Misplaced Pages

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by Tomobe03 (talk | contribs) at 09:01, 11 October 2024 (trim unnecessary params). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

This article is actively undergoing a major edit for a little while. To help avoid edit conflicts, please do not edit this page while this message is displayed. This page was last edited at 09:01, 11 October 2024 (UTC) (3 months ago) – this estimate is cached, update. Please remove this template if this page hasn't been edited for a significant time. If you are the editor who added this template, please be sure to remove it or replace it with {{Under construction}} between editing sessions.

The Temporary National Representation (Template:Lang-sh), also the Interim National Legislation, and Interim National Parliament, was the first parliamentary body formed in the newly proclaimed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. It convened on March 1, 1919. The representatives were selected by the Serbian National Assembly representing the Kingdom of Serbia and the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs representing the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs.

The representation passed the Law on the election of national representatives in the Constitutional Assembly on September 3, 1920. The representation existed until the elections of November 28, 1920.

Background

On 1 December 1918, Prince Regent Alexander proclaimed the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The country was created as a common state of the South Slavs. It was the result of unification of the Kingdom of Serbia (which had previously annexed the Kingdom of Montenegro and the territories of Banat, Bačka and Baranja jointly reffered to as Vojvodina) with the short-lived State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. The latter was established in the South Slavic parts of the former Austria-Hungary in the final days of the World War One, in the process of dissolution of Austria-Hungary. In his proclamation, Regent Alexander promised a provisional parliament that would be set up by agreement of the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs as the governing body in the former Austro-Hungarian lands and representatives of Serbia. Establishment of an interim parliament was also envisaged by the 1917 Corfu Declaration of the Kingdom of Serbia and the Yugoslav Committee announcing their intention to establish a common state of the South Slavs following the eventual defeat of Austria-Hungary in the World War One.

The first government of the kingdom was first convened on 20 December 1918. It was led by Stojan Protić (People's Radical Party, NRS) but 11 of its 17 ministers were drawn from the Democratic Party (DS) – most prominent among them was the interior minister Svetozar Pribićević. While Ljubomir Davidović was the formal leader of the DS, Pribićević was seen as the key person in the party. Both parties advocated a centralised state, but the DS, and especially Pribićević, advocated a higher level of centralisation than the NRS.

Establishment

The interim parliament was expected to be convened within a month after inauguration of the government. The interim parliament was formally established as the Temporary National Representation (Privremeno narodno predstavništvo, PNP) by the Regent Alexander's decree of 24 February 1919. It was convened for the first time in Belgrade on 1 March. The proceedings were opened by an address of Regent Alexander. According to historian Ivo Banac, the delay was intended to ensure that the government was free to implement decisions designed to centralise the country without interference from the parliament. The government further declined to recognise the PNP's right to enact any legislation except on the procedure of election of the Constituent Assembly and determination of its agenda.

The PNP was composed generally of people who served on some legislative or consultative body. PNP's 294 members were largely appointed. Regional assemblies appointed 84 representatives of Serbia proper (i.e. the territory of Serbia before the 1912–1913 Balkan Wars expansion), 24 representatives of Vojvodina, and 12 representatives of Montenegro. Further 24 representatives of South Serbia province (generally corresponding to territories of present-day Kosovo and North Macedonia) were elected. The election was undemocratic because it only included voters approved by the authorities and open ballots. The list of representatives of the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs to be appointed to the PNP was drawn up by Slovenian politician Albert Kramer on authorisation of Regent Alexander. The representatives of former Austro-Hungarian lands (except Vojvodina) were formally appointed by special committees and their mandates confirmed by the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in Zagreb, and equivalent bodies established in Split and Sarajevo for Dalmatia and for Bosnia and Herzegovina respectively. Slovenia was granted 32 delegates to the PNP, Croatia-Slavonia (jointly with the city of Rijeka and the region of Međimurje) had 60, Istria had four, Dalmatia 12, and Bosnia and Herzegovina had 32 delegates.

Permanent presidency of the PNP was elected as follows: Dragoljub Pavlović, president; Ivan Ribar and Franc Jankovič [sl], vice-presidents; Petar Jovanović, Joca Manojlović, Aleksandar Mijović, Josif Bojinović, Ivan Krnic, Pavel Pestotnik, and Dragotin Lončar, secretaries. Pavlović died in April 1920, and Stanojlo Vukčević [sr] was elected to replace him as the president. Furthermore, Adolf Ribnikar was elected a vice-president, and Kerubin Šegvić a secretary.

Political currents

There were four principal currents in the PNP regarding the constitution. The DS wanted centralised government. The NRS also advocated centralisation but, unlike the DS, thought that Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes should be allowed to continue to develop their national and cultural identities separately. The Republican Party advocated a decentralised republic, while the Slovene People's Party (SLS), Croatian Peoples' Peasant Party (HPSS), Croatian Union (HZ) and Montenegrin federalists advocated a (con)federation.

Political parties were allotted seats in proportion to their strength in regional parliaments or diets. Consequently, the HPSS was assigned two seats in the PNP which the party refused, and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (only established in April 1919) was unrepresented. The DS and the NRS held 115 and 69 seats respectively, ensuring a majority support for the Protić cabinet. The DS and the NRS came into conflict by summer of 1919. While continuing to oppose federalist ideas for the administration of the country, the NRS was aiming to strengthen its position in the PNP through alliances with the HZ and the SLS – the strongest Croatian and Slovene political parties in 1918, by moderating its views of centralisation and accusing the DS of extremist views.

The conflict led to the collapse of the Protić government and appointment of Davidović as the prime minister. Davidović formed a (126 seat) minority government with the Social Democratic Party led by Vitomir Korać. Davidović imposed a two-month recess on the PNP while lobbying to expand parliamentary support. In September 1919, the DS proposed Regent Alexander to dissolve the PNP and to call an election of its new members, but the regent declined and the government resigned.

Davidović's cabinet was replaced by another minority government. It was led by Protić and the NRS in Parliamentary Union coalition with the HZ and the SLS. The coalition began reversing repressive measures previously introduced against regional administrations in Croatia and Slovenia and drafted a compromise proposed constitution. It also quickly collapsed unable to secure a majority support in the PNP. The lack of support was in part the result of rumours spread by the DS claiming that Croatian Committee and foreign powers are colluding against the country and a wave of strikes led by the communists.

Regent Alexander then appointed Milenko Radomar Vesnić (NRS) the prime minister tasking him with forming a government with the DS. The NRS brought its position on centralisation closer to the DS, while the DS compromised on issues of land reform in the country. The Vesnić cabinet proposed and the PNP passed the regulation on elections for the Constitutional Assembly. The legislation restricted the Constitutional Assembly deliberations to two years and implicitly gave the king (or the regent) the right to dissolve the Assembly.

Legislative work and dissolution

PNP considered 47 legislative measures but failed to enact 35 of them. According to historian John R. Lampe, the failure is attributable to divisive actions of Pribićević. The PNP worked in the circumstances where Pribićević, in his role of a government minister, was issuing administrative regulations, dismissing and hiring officials. While the HPSS led by Stjepan Radić, as a rising political power in Croatia, boycotted the work of the PNP, Protić felt he could come to an agreement with Radić. Conversely, Pribićević opposed any arrangement and repeatedly urged Protić to deploy army to Croatia to quell government opposition.

The PNP held 137 sittings, enacting the following acts: Calendar Alignment Act; Suspension and Enforcement Limits Act; Ljubljana University Act; University Act; Legal and Notarial Practice Rights Settlements Act; National Schools Act; Jury Act; Moratorium Act; Spas, Mineral and Hot Water Act; Citizenship Act; Act on the Peace Treaty Between the Allied Powers and Germany; Act on the Peace Treaty Between the Allied Powers and Bulgaria; and the Constitutional Assembly Members Election Act. The latter was enacted on 3 September 1920.

The Constitutional Assembly was elected on 28 November 1920 and thus the PNP's mandate ended. The PNP never enacted the Constitutional Assembly's rules of order. This was achieved by a government decree after the elections. Most significantly, the rules of order ignored the demand by the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs that the constitution be adopted by two-thirds majority. Instead, the rules of order required only a simple majority for the task. The Corfu Declaration called for the qualified majority, but the rules of order required absolute majority of all members sworn. The government argued that going beyond the majority of all members present and voting was sufficient to count as the qualified majority in the spirit of the Corfu Declaration.

References

1. Banac 1984, p. 379.
2. Lampe 2000, pp. 121–122.
3. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 46.
4. Crnobrnja 1996, p. 54.
5. ^ Banac 1984, pp. 379–381.
6. ^ Dragnich 1983, p. 20.
7. Mitrinović & Brašić 1937, p. 341.
8. ^ Mitrinović & Brašić 1937, pp. 342–343.
9. ^ Dragnich 1983, p. 15.
10. Lampe 2000, p. 121.
11. Banac 1984, p. 381.
12. ^ Mitrinović & Brašić 1937, p. 348.
13. Ramet 2006, p. 52.
14. ^ Lampe 2000, p. 122.
15. ^ Banac 1984, pp. 381–387.
16. Dragnich 1983, p. 22.

Sources

• Banac, Ivo (1984). The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-1675-2.
• Crnobrnja, Mihailo (1996). The Yugoslav Drama. Montreal: McGill–Queen's University Press. ISBN 9780773514294.
• Dragnich, Alex N. (1983). The First Yugoslavia: Search for a Viable Political System. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 9780817978419.
• Lampe, John R. (2000). Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-77357-1.
• Mitrinović, Čedomil; Brašić, Miloš N. (1937). Jugoslovenske narodne skupštine i sabori [Yugoslav National Assemblies and Diets] (in Serbian and French). Belgrade: National Assembly of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. OCLC 11391185.
• Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.

• Government of Yugoslavia
• Kingdom of Yugoslavia
• Politics of Yugoslavia
• 1919 establishments in Yugoslavia
• 1920 disestablishments in Yugoslavia