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{{Short description|Branch of anarchism supporting revolutionary industrial unionism}} {{Short description|Anarchist organisational model for trade unions}}
{{Use British English|date=January 2014}} {{Use British English|date=January 2014}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2020}} {{Use dmy dates|date=August 2020}}
{{anarcho-syndicalism sidebar|all}} {{anarcho-syndicalism sidebar|all}}
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'''Anarcho-syndicalism''' is a ] and ] that views ] or ] as a method for workers in ] to gain control of an economy and thus control influence in broader society. The goal of syndicalism is to abolish the ], regarding it as ]. Anarcho-syndicalist theory generally focuses on the ]. Reflecting the ] philosophy from which it draws its primary inspiration, anarcho-syndicalism is centred on the idea that ] corrupts and that any ] that cannot be ] justified must be dismantled.<ref name="anarcho-syndicalism101"/>
'''Anarcho-syndicalism''' is an ] organisational model that centres ]s as a vehicle for ]. Drawing from the theory of ] and the practice of ], anarcho-syndicalism sees trade unions as both a means to achieve immediate improvements to working conditions and to build towards a ] in the form of a ], with the ultimate aim of abolishing the ] and ]. Anarcho-syndicalists consider trade unions to be the ] of a ] and seek to use them in order to establish ] of ] and ]. An ] ideology, anarcho-syndicalism rejects ] and participation in ], considering them to be a corrupting influence on the ]. In order to achieve their material and economic goals, anarcho-syndicalists instead practice ] in the form of ]s, ]s and ]. Anarcho-syndicalists also attempt to build ] among the ], in order to unite workers against the ] and build ].


The foundations of anarcho-syndicalism were laid by the anti-authoritarian faction of the ] (IWMA) and developed by the French ] (CGT). Anarcho-syndicalism was constituted as a specific tendency following the ], which led to anarcho-syndicalism becoming the dominant form of trade union organisation in ] and ]. After facing suppression during the ], anarcho-syndicalists established the ] (IWA). Anarcho-syndicalism reached its apex during the ], when the ] (CNT) established an anarcho-syndicalist economy throughout much of the ]. Anarcho-syndicalism went into decline after the defeat of the anarchists in the ]. The movement split into two factions: the "orthodox" faction, which held to traditional syndicalist principles in spite of changing material conditions; and the "revisionist" faction, which aimed to achieve a ] and work within the framework of newly-established ]s. By the end of the 20th century, the rise of ] and the collapse of the ] had led to a revival in anarcho-syndicalism, with syndicalist unions once again being established throughout the globe.
The basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are ], ] (action undertaken without the intervention of third parties such as politicians, bureaucrats and arbitrators), and ]. Anarcho-syndicalists believe their economic theories constitute a strategy for facilitating ] self-activity and creating an alternative ] economic system with democratic values and production centred on meeting human needs. Anarcho-syndicalists perceive the primary purpose of the state as the defence of ] in the forms of ] and thereby of economic, social and political power. In maintaining this '']'', the state denies most of its citizens the ability to enjoy material independence and the social autonomy that springs from it.<ref name="anarcho-syndicalism101">{{cite web|title=1c. Why do anarcho-syndicalists oppose participation in statist politics?|url=http://www.anarchosyndicalism.net/faq/1c.htm|date=April 2002|work=Anarcho-Syndicalism 101. Class Struggle Online|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130618075029/http://www.anarchosyndicalism.net/faq/1c.htm|archive-date=18 June 2013|access-date=20 June 2013}}</ref>


== History == == History ==
{{Main|History of anarcho-syndicalism}}
=== Origins === === Origins ===
The roots of anarcho-syndicalism lie in the ] of the ] (IWA), which upheld the central role of ]s in the ] and called for a ] to replace the ] with a ]. This was in opposition to the ], which proposed the seizure of state power by a ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=5|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010a|2pp=xxxvi-xxxvii|3a1=Thorpe|3y=1989|3pp=2-14|4a1=van der Walt|4a2=Schmidt|4y=2009|4pp=153-155}} The IWA's largest section was the ] (FRE), which adopted the anarchist platform of ] and organised itself according to a structure that anticipated syndicalism.{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|p=155}} The FRE was driven underground following the suppression of the FRE-led ] in 1873, after which they were succeeded by a series of unions such as the ] (FTRE) and the ] (PUS). The FRE's model was also taken up by ], who established their own union federations to organise Cuban workers and recently-emancipated slaves.{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|pp=155-156}} The history of anarcho-syndicalism can be traced back to the ] of the ] (IWA), which called for ]s to overthrow the ] in a ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=5|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010a|2pp=xxxvi-xxxvii|3a1=Thorpe|3y=1989|3pp=2-14|4a1=van der Walt|4a2=Schmidt|4y=2009|4pp=153-155}} This syndicalist model of trade union organisation was adopted by anarchists in ], ], ] and the ], where syndicalism became the dominant organisational form.{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|pp=155-157}} Elsewhere, the development of ] such as ] sidelined anarchists within trade unions.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=5-7|2a1=van der Walt|2a2=Schmidt|2y=2009|2pp=157-158}} But tensions between rank-and-file trade unionists and their social-democratic leadership eventually gave way to the development of ], which called for workers themselves to take ] in order to improve their own material conditions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=7}}

In the ], the anarchists of the ] (IWPA) also adopted the proto-syndicalist platform of ] and established a large trade union federation in ].{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|p=156}} Despite its suppression after the ], the IWPA was strongly influential on the development of syndicalism (described as "anarchism made practical") and left behind a legacy commemorated in ].{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|pp=156-157}} Anarchists also participated in the trade union movement in ], where they established the Mexican Workers' General Congress (CGOM) and dedicated it towards using unions as their vehicle for social revolution.{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|p=157}} While the influence of the anarchists was strong in the ] and ] labour movements, most of Europe's trade unions fell under the control of social-democratic political parties.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=6-7}} During the 1880s, a period of ] had encouraged the development of ] such as ], resulting in the sidelining of the anarchists, who had largely neglected labour organisation in favour of individual acts of "]".{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=5-6|2a1=van der Walt|2a2=Schmidt|2y=2009|2pp=157-158}}

But the technological innovations achieved during the ] also preceded a simultaneous rise in ] and decline of ]s, while new ] strategies resulted in the increase of both ] and ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=8-9}} Increasing levels of the ] brought with it a rise in ] among workers, which led to the development of calls for ] and ] over the ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=8}} Even as ]s became more common around the world, social-democratic union leaders remained largely reluctant to engage in strikes and limited the decision-making power of individual members through internal ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=10-11}} Despite protests by the membership, these centralised trade unions often preferred to form compromised "wage agreements" with their employers rather than risk opening their accumulated ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=11}} The ] tendencies of the union leadership eventually provoked widespread dissillusionment among the rank-and-file union members, with some such as ] coming to characterise paid union officials as a new ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=11-12}}

Increasing tensions between the union leadership and membership led to the development of a current that had by now become known as ], which called for workers themselves to take ] in order to improve their own material conditions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=7}} Anarchists also began to move away from ] and back towards the labour movement, increasingly promoting syndicalism as a "practical form of organisation for the realisation of ]" and even beginning to capture some unions from the social-democrats.{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|pp=157-158}}


===Growth of syndicalism=== ===Growth of syndicalism===
], a leading figure within the ] movement]] ]'' in ], {{circa|1900}}]]
The birth of the revolutionary syndicalist movement took place in ], at the end of the 19th century.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=13-14|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2p=131}} After the French state's suppression of the ] and the First International, trade unions were left disorganised and many fell under the control of republican and socialist political parties.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=131-132}} At this time, workers began to establish the '']'' ({{lang-en|Labour Exchanges}}), which provided ], encouraged the self-organisation of independent trade unions and organised strike actions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=13-14}} These institutions were established outside of political party control by a broad coalition of rank-and-file trade union members, ] and ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=14|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=132-134}} Led by ],{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=14-15|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=133-134|3a1=Thorpe|3y=1989|3p=25}} the anarchists saw the ''bourses'' as an embryo for the formation of a ],{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=14-15|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=25}} conceiving of them as a means for workers to negotiate short-term gains while preparing for a revolutionary general strike.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=14-15}} By the turn of the 20th century, the ''bourses'' had joined together with other independent trade unions to form the ] (CGT),{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=15-16|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=132-133|3a1=Thorpe|3y=1989|3p=25}} which eventually came to include 60% of French workers across all ]s within its ranks.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=15-16|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=26}} Holding to the principles of revolutionary syndicalism, in 1905, the CGT launched a campaign for workers themselves to institute the ]. On ] of 1906, this campaign culminated in a general strike, which secured a reduction in working time and workload, an increase in wages and the introduction of the ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=16}} But the years that followed brought increased state repression against the CGT, eventually forcing it to turn towards reformism.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=16-17}} Revolutionary syndicalism was first propagated in ], where the '']'' ({{langx|en|Labour Exchanges}}) were established to provide ] to workers and organise strike actions.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=13-14|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=132-134}} By the 20th century, the ''bourses'' had joined together to establish the ] (CGT),{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=15-16|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=132-133|3a1=Thorpe|3y=1989|3p=25}} which rose to include 60% of French workers within its ranks.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=15-16|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=26}} But after the CGT launched a general strike, which won French workers the ] and the ], the union turned away from revolutionary syndicalism towards reformism.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=16-17}} However, by this time, revolutionary syndicalism had already spread throughout Europe, with syndicalist unions being established in the ], ], ], ] and ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=17-20|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=38-48}} The concurrent development of ] led to the establishment of the ] (IWW) in countries throughout the ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=20-22|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=135-137}} By the 1910s, syndicalism had spread throughout every country in Europe and anarchist tendencies started to develop within the movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=22}}

By this time, revolutionary syndicalism had already spread throughout Europe.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=17|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=134-135|3a1=Thorpe|3y=1989|3p=46}} In the ], the ] moved away from social democracy and adopted syndicalism.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=17|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=38-40}} In ], a series of syndicalist-led general strikes brought about the establishment of the ] (USI),{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=17-18|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=35-38}} which itself led a further series of general strikes that culminated in the ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=17-18}} In ], the repression that followed the ], during which a syndicalist-led general strike had briefly brought ] under workers' control, forced the ] and ] to join together within the {{ill|National Workers' Union (Portugal){{!}}National Workers' Union|pt|União Operária Nacional}} (UON).{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=18-19}} In ], syndicalists established the ] (FVdG) outside the control of the ] (SDP).{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=19-20|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=43-46}} In ], the defeat of a general strike accelerated the split of syndicalists from the social-democratic unions, with the formation of the ] (SAC).{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=19-20|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=47-48}} Syndicalism also experienced a growth in ] and ],{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=19-20|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=46-47}} after the negotiated end to a series of ] by social-democratic union leadership pushed radicals to establish their own syndicalist unions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=19-20}}

In contrast to the spread of French-style syndicalism throughout Europe, the ] saw the development of a tendency known as ], which upheld the concept of "]".{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=20}} This movement was led by the ] (IWW),{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=20-21|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=136-137}} which spread from the ] to ], the ] and ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=20-21}} The only development of syndicalism in Anglophone countries was in Britain, where in 1910, the ] (ISEL) was founded by ] and began to organise workers in the mining and transportation industries.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=21-22|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=135-136|3a1=Thorpe|3y=1989|3pp=46, 53}} The ISEL organised the ], which managed to receive significant international support, and convinced the ] to reorganise along syndicalist lines, before going on to participate in the ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=21-22}} By the 1910s, syndicalism had spread throughout every country in Europe and anarchist tendencies started to develop within the movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=22}}

===Development of anarchist syndicalism===
], an early leader of the anarcho-syndicalist movement following the ]]]
Despite their shared commitment to trade union action, revolutionary syndicalists lacked a coherent ideology. The Dutch syndicalist ] found that the movement was divided into three main groups: socialists, who saw syndicalism as a means to break away from parliamentary politics; trade unionists, who saw it as a distinct ideology of class conflict; and anarchists.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=24}} In 1906, the CGT attempted to find a compromise between these different syndicalist tendencies by creating a unified declaration of syndicalist principles: the ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=29}} The Charter declared that the CGT was to be a class-based organisation, not an ideological one, and would welcome workers of all political tendencies so long as they agreed with the abolition of wage labour and capitalism. It stated that the "dual purpose" of syndicalism was to work towards immediate improvements of working conditions, and to prepare for a general strike in which trade unions would take over production and distribution. Ideological convictions outside of these aims were requested to be left outside the union.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=29-30|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=19-20}}

Although sympathetic to the revolutionary syndicalist program, many within the anarchist movement remained skeptical towards the syndicalist movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=30}} When the ] was convened by the anarcho-syndicalist Christiaan Cornelissen in 1907, a conflict between the two tendencies broke out.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=30-31|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=31-32}} While the CGT's ] attempted to highlight the shared similarities between anarchism and syndicalism, he insisted that the latter was "self-sufficient".{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=30-31}} Monatte's claims were the target of vocal criticism from ], who, although not denying trade unionism as a means of revolutionary struggle for workers' self-management, considered trade unions to exist primarily as way to protect workers' interests within the existing system. He also rejected the possibility that a general strike could replace ] as the principle means for a ], although he believed it could serve as the igniting incident for one.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=31}} He ended by calling on anarchists to transform trade unions into anarchist organisations; ] followed up by laying the groundwork for an anarchist syndicalism, calling for the replacement of abstract "pure anarchism" with a concrete "workers' anarchism."{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=31-32}} When the Congress created a bureau for an Anarchist International, it included syndicalists such as the Russian ], the English ] and the German ]. However, the bureau was short-lived and had already dissolved by 1911.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=32}}

] (CNT)]]
In spite of the tensions between syndicalism and anarchism in ], the anarchist workers' movements in ] and Latin America continued to be influenced by revolutionary syndicalism. In 1907, Spanish workers' organisations that had succeeded the FRE and FTRE once again came together into the federation ] (SO), which aimed to replace capitalism with a socialist workers' economy. It soon grew highly influential in the industrial region of ], where in 1909, it organised a general strike against the ], although it would be violently suppressed during the "]".{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=32-33}} In 1910, workers' organisations throughout Spain united into the ] (CNT),{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=33|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=35}} which was based on the syndicalist model of the French CGT. It adopted syndicalist aims for the eight-hour day, minimum wage and a revolutionary general strike,{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=33}} upheld the anarchist principle of rejecting political parties,{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=33|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=35}} and affirmed that syndicalism was a means by which workers could liberate themselves.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=33}} Driven forward by this characteristically anarchist form of syndicalism, within a year, the CNT grew to count 30,000 members and organised large strikes in major cities throughout Spain. The organisation was banned in 1911, but continued its activities underground, organising several general strikes throughout the country until its public reemergence in 1914.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=33-34|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=35}}


===Development of anarcho-syndicalism===
] (FORA) in 1915]] ] (FORA) in 1915]]
Although anarchists widely participated in the syndicalist movement, syndicalists were divided into separate tendencies, many of which rejected the ideological prescriptions of anarchism.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=24-30}} At the ], convened by the anarcho-syndicalist ] in 1907, a conflict between the two tendencies broke out; while the syndicalist ] and the anarchist ] debated their respective ideologies, ] attempted to synthesise the two into a "workers' anarchism".{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=30-32|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=31-32}} Anarcho-syndicalism soon became the dominant form of trade union organisation in ], ], ], ], ], ] and many other Latin American countries, where anarcho-syndicalists organised a series of general strikes for the eight-hour day.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=33-37}} Attempts to establish international links between these anarcho-syndicalist organisations culminated in the convocation of a revolutionary syndicalist congress in 1913, although further movements towards the creation of an international organisation were halted by the outbreak of world war.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=37-41|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=31-83}}
By this time, anarchist workers' movements had also risen to prominence throughout Latin America. In 1901, the ] (FORA) was established, and by 1905, it had adopted ] as its political philosophy, rejecting the political neutrality (or "self-sufficiency") of syndicalist trade unions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=34}} The FORA organised a series of general strikes in ] and ], often resulting in harsh police repression, but also winning material improvements in working conditions. Spanish anarchists reported that, during that period in Argentina, "almost all the workers are anarchists".{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=34-35}} Nevertheless, by 1916, the issue of "neutral syndicalism" would end up splitting the FORA into anarchist and moderate factions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=35}} The FORA would also provide the model for the establishment of other organisations, including: the ] (FORU), which organised a series of general strikes in various sectors of the Uruguayan economy, resulting in the achievement of the eight-hour day; and the ] (FORP).{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=35-36}} During the ], anarchists collaborated in the overthrow of the ] and established the syndicalist union ] (COM). The COM formed an alliance with the ] against the revolutionary forces of ] and ], but by 1916, were themselves repressed by the constitutional government.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=36}} Anarchist trade unionists also achieved significant levels of influence in Cuba and Brazil, where in the latter they established the ] (COB).{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=36-37}} In Chile, anarchist Resistance Societies and "Mancomunales" organised a series of strikes, but were violently repressed by the government. In Peru, anarchist trade unions organised a number of general strikes which achieved the eight-hour day. Anarchist trade unions were also established in Bolivia, Ecuador and Panama, among other countries.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=37}}


===War and Revolution===
As the anarchist and syndicalist movements gained ground throughout the world, syndicalists that had participated in the 1907 Amsterdam Congress (led by Christiaan Cornelissen) established an ''International Syndicalist Bulletin'',{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=37-38|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=31-32}} through which they aimed to form links between syndicalist organisations and further develop the movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=37-38}} Revolutionary syndicalists in Western Europe called for the CGT to convoke an international trade union congress, which would also allow the participation of reformist unions, in order to promote working-class unity.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=38}} The ] (ISNTUC) was established under the leadership of the German social democrats, who blocked resolutions for general strikes and ] from congress agendas.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=38|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=48-49}} The CGT initially boycotted the conferences, but eventually decided to participate, despite its inability to further its goals within the organisation.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=38-39|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=49-50}} Setting themselves apart from the ISNTUC, the British ISEL decided to take the initiative for holding an international syndicalist congress, which would invite any syndicalists that supported revolutionary class struggle and rejected political parties.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=39|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=53}} In September 1913, the congress was convened at ] in London, bringing together delegates of syndicalist organisations from Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Britain, Cuba, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain and Sweden.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=39|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=69}} With Christiaan Cornelissen as its secretary and Alexander Schapiro providing translation, the congress discussed a series of issues.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=39-40}} Differences emerged between the supporters of revolutionary syndicalism, and those like ], who attempted to downplay anti-capitalist and anti-statist resolutions.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=39-40|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=75-76}} The Congress ended up adopting a revolutionary syndicalist declaration of class struggle and direct action against capitalism and the state; it called for the formation of independent trade unions that could organise both for immediate improvements to working conditions and for the eventual overthrow of capitalism and the state, after which the unions would take over production and distribution.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=40|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=76}} The Congress closed by establishing an International Syndicalist Information Bureau, which would coordinate the international syndicalist movement and organise future conferences. Despite protests from De Ambris, the Bureau came under the effective control of the Dutch NAS, with ] as its chair, and began its work on 1 January 1914.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=40-41|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=79-81, 83}} But the international unification of anarchists and syndicalists was brought to a halt that same year, with the outbreak of ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=41}}
], {{Circa|1920}}]]
The outbreak of ] split anarcho-syndicalists into ]; the former declared themselves against both sides of the war, while the latter supported the ] against the ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=42|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=88-90}} The conflict ultimately demonstrated the inability of the international syndicalist movement to prevent war and discredited "neutral syndicalism" in the eyes of many workers, causing revolutionary sentiments to once again begin rising within the workers' movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=46}} When the ] spread throughout Europe, anarcho-syndicalists became keen participants in the revolutionary wave, during which they faced rising political repression.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=46-47|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=106-116}} Anarcho-syndicalists in Europe, Latin America and Asia organised general strikes, sometimes reaching revolutionary proportions, but were ultimately suppressed by nationalist or communist dictatorships.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=47-63}}


===World War I=== === Apex ===
], a leading proponent of anti-militarism within the French CGT during World War I]] ] on a barricade during the ]]]
Following the suppression of their movements and the rising influence of ] throughout the world, anarcho-syndicalists moved to establish their own international organisation: the ] (IWA).{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=64-93}} Theoretical discussions within the IWA led to debates on the issues of ], ], ] and ], while the Spanish ] (CNT) rose to prominence in the ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=94-118}} With the outbreak of the ], the CNT led the defeat of the ] in ], where they ignited an ] that ] three-quarters of the Republican economy. The CNT's decision to join the Republican government caused controversy within the IWA and the social revolution was eventually suppressed by the government. The Republicans ultimately lost the war and the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists were imprisoned, killed or forced into exile by the victorious ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=119-184}}
The World War split anarcho-syndicalists into ]: the former, including ], Alexander Schapiro and {{ill|Bill Shatov|ru|Шатов, Владимир Сергеевич}}, declared themselves against both sides of the war and upheld ]; the latter, including Christiaan Cornelissen, supported the ] against the "greater evil" of the ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=42|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=88-90}} The French CGT, which had already begun to diverge from revolutionary syndicalism after winning a series of improvements in working conditions, called for national defense against the ] and collaborated with the French state in its war effort.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=42-43|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2p=90}} By 1915, an anti-war opposition within the CGT, concentrated around '']'' and led by ] and ], had been established and began to support strike actions against the worsening working conditions brought by the war.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=43}} In Italy, syndicalists of the USI were also split by the war, with De Ambris supporting the war on grounds that it would create a ] in the country. But the majority of the USI, led by {{ill|Armando Borghi|it}}, supported a general strike against the war effort and expelled De Ambris' faction from the trade unions.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=43|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=90, 92-93}} In the United States, the IWW agitated against the ], resulting in harsh repression against the union, during which the activist ] was executed and other members were shot or deported. Nevertheless, the IWW managed to organise a series of strikes against the military industry and its membership grew from 40,000 in 1916 to over 125,000 in 1917. In Germany and Britain, the syndicalist movement found itself disabled by the war.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=44}}

Working conditions deteriorated as the war continued, with strikes and rioting becoming more commonplace as the years went on. In France, a revolutionary syndicalist congress called for a general strike against the war and protests in the metal industry damaged the war economy, but the anti-war movement was suppressed, with ] being convicted of ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=44-45}} In Spain, deteriorating living conditions provoked the formation of an alliance by the CNT and ], who together, in August 1917, carried out a ], although this was also suppressed. In Portugal, the rising cost of living resulted in a series of riots and strike actions by revolutionary syndicalists, who came to take over the UON.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=45}} In 1915, Spanish and Portuguese anarchists held an anti-militarist congress in ], where they received delegates from Argentina, Brazil, Britain, Cuba, France and Italy, which called for an international general strike.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=45-46}} The Dutch NAS also called for an international revolutionary syndicalist congress to be held in the neutral Netherlands, but this didn't come to fruition until the war was over.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=45-46|2a1=Thorpe|2y=1989|2pp=90-91}} The conflict ended up demonstrating the inability of the international syndicalist movement to prevent war and discredited "neutral syndicalism" in the eyes of many workers, causing revolutionary sentiments to once again begin rising within the workers' movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=46}}

=== International Workers' Association ===
{{Unreliable sources section|date=January 2023}}
From 1918 on, the CNT grew more substantial and had an outstanding role in the events of the ], which paralyzed 70% of the industry in Catalonia in 1919, that year the CNT reached a membership of 700,000.<ref>{{Harvnb|Beevor|2006|p=13}}</ref> Around that time, panic spread among employers, giving rise to the practice of {{lang|es-ES|]}} (employing thugs to intimidate active unionists), causing a spiral of violence that significantly affected the trade union. These {{lang|es-ES|pistoleros}} are credited with killing 21 union leaders in 48 hours.<ref>{{Harvnb|Beevor|2006|p=15}}</ref>

]]]
In 1922, the ] (IWA) was founded in Berlin, and the CNT joined immediately, but with the rise of ]'s dictatorship, the labour union was outlawed again the following year.<ref>{{Harvnb|Beevor|2006|p=17}}</ref> However, with the workers' movement resurgent following the ], what was to become the modern IWA was formed, billing itself as the "true heir" of the ].{{Sfn|Thorpe|1989}}{{Page needed|date=January 2023}} The successful ]-led revolution of 1917 in Russia was mirrored by a wave of syndicalist successes worldwide, including the struggle of the ] (IWW) in the United States alongside the creation of mass anarchist unions across Latin America and massive syndicalist-led strikes in Germany, Portugal, Spain, Italy and France, where it was noted that "neutral (economic, but not political) syndicalism had been swept away".{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=42-47}} The final formation of this new international, then known as the International Workingmen's Association, took place at an illegal conference in Berlin in December 1922, marking an irrevocable break between the international syndicalist movement and the Bolsheviks.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=82-84}} The IWA included the ] (500,000 members), the ] (200,000 members), the General Confederation of Workers in Portugal (150,000 members), the ] (120,000 members), the Committee for the Defense of Revolutionary Syndicalism in France (100,000 members), the {{lang|fr-FR|Federation du Combattant}} from Paris (32,000 members), the ] (32,000 members), the ] of the Netherlands (22,500 members), the Industrial Workers of the World in Chile (20,000 members) and the Union for Syndicalist Propaganda in Denmark (600 members).<ref name="libcom">{{cite web|url=http://libcom.org/history/international-workers-association|title=1860-today: The International Workers Association|year=2006|publisher=Libcom.org|access-date=29 September 2009}}</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=Cited source is a self-published blogpost on Libcom.org that appears to have copy-pasted sections from Misplaced Pages|date=January 2023}}

The first secretaries of the International included the famed writer and activist ], along with ] and ]. Following the first congress, other groups from France, Austria, Denmark, Belgium, Switzerland, Bulgaria, Poland, and Romania were affiliated. Later, a bloc of unions in the United States, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala, Cuba, Costa Rica and El Salvador also shared the IWA's statutes. The IWW, biggest syndicalist union in the United States, considered joining but eventually ruled out affiliation in 1936 based on the IWA's religious and political affiliation policies.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Thompson|first1=Fred W.|last2=Murfin|first2=Patrick|year=1976|title=The I.W.W.: Its First Seventy Years, 1905-1975|url=https://archive.org/details/iwwitsfirstseven0000thom|location=]|publisher=]|isbn=0-917124-04-9|lccn=75-27589}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=January 2023}} Although ], the IWW was informed by developments in the broader revolutionary syndicalist milieu at the turn of the 20th century. At its founding congress in 1905, influential members with strong anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist sympathies like ], ] and ] contributed to the union's overall revolutionary syndicalist orientation.<ref>{{cite book|last=Salerno|first=Salvatore|year=1989|title=Red November, Black November: Culture and Community in the Industrial Workers of the World|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NphO5p1hsbEC|publisher=]|pages=69–90|isbn=0-7914-0089-1|lccn=88-39378}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=January 2023}} Although the terms anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism are often used interchangeably, the anarcho-syndicalist label was not widely used until the early 1920s: "The term 'anarcho-syndicalist' only came into wide use in 1921–1922 when it was applied polemically as a pejorative term by communists to any syndicalists...who opposed increased control of syndicalism by the communist parties".<ref>{{cite book|last=Berry|first=David|year=2002|title=A History of the French Anarchist Movement, 1917–1945|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=a7HaAAAAMAAJ|publisher=]|page=134|isbn=0-313-32026-8}}</ref> Translations of the original statement of aims and principles of the IWA (drafted in 1922) refer not to anarcho-syndicalism but revolutionary syndicalism or revolutionary unionism.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://syndicalist.us/about/asrs-mission/|title=ASR's Mission|website=]|date=15 September 2018 |issn=1069-1995|access-date=31 January 2023}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.iwa-ait.org/content/statutes|title=Statutes of the International Workers' Association, IWA|website=]|access-date=31 January 2023}}</ref>

]]]
The '']'' (English: "Red Biennium") was a two-year period between 1919 and 1920 of intense social conflict in Italy following ].<ref name="Dallacasa">{{cite book|last=Dalla Casa|first=Brunella|year=1982|chapter=Composizione di classe, rivendicazioni e professionalità nelle lotte del "biennio rosso" a Bologna|title=Bologna 1920: le origini del fascismo|editor-last=Casali|editor-first=Luciano|publisher=Cappelli|location=]|page=179|language=it}}</ref> The Biennio Rosso took place in a context of economic crisis at the war's end, with high unemployment and political instability. It was characterized by mass strikes, worker manifestations, and self-management experiments through land and factory occupations.<ref name="Dallacasa"/> In ] and ], ] were formed, and many ] took place under the leadership of anarcho-syndicalists. The agitations also extended to the agricultural areas of the ] and were accompanied by peasant strikes, rural unrest, and guerilla conflicts between left-wing and right-wing militias. According to ], the anarcho-syndicalist trade union ] (USI) "grew to 800,000 members and the influence of the Italian Anarchist Union (20,000 members plus '']'', its daily paper) grew accordingly&nbsp; Anarchists were the first to suggest occupying workplaces".<ref>{{cite web|url=https://libcom.org/article/1918-1921-italian-factory-occupations-and-biennio-rosso|title=1918-1921: The Italian factory occupations and Biennio Rosso|website=]|date=10 September 2006|access-date=31 January 2023}}</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=This is a blog post on Libcom.org, of which the responsible publisher doesn't even know who the author is.|date=January 2023}}

Many of the most prominent members of the IWA were broken, driven underground or wiped out in the 1920s–1930s as ] came to power in states across Europe, and workers switched away from anarchism towards the seeming success of the Bolshevik model of socialism. In Argentina, the FORA had already begun to decline by the time it joined the IWA, having split in 1915 into pro and anti-Bolshevik factions. From 1922, the anarchist movement there lost most of its membership, exacerbated by further splits, most notably around the ] affair. It was crushed by ] military coup in 1930.<ref>{{Cite journal|url=https://eial.tau.ac.il/index.php/eial/article/view/1126|title=The Uniqueness of Anarchism in Argentina|first=Yaacov|last=Oved|year=1997|journal=Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe|volume=8|issue=1|publisher=]|issn=0792-7061|pages=63–76|doi=10.61490/eial.v8i1.1126 |access-date=31 January 2023|archive-date=31 January 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230131145713/https://eial.tau.ac.il/index.php/eial/article/view/1126|url-status=dead}}</ref> Germany's FAUD struggled throughout the late 1920s and early 1930s as the ] took control of the streets. Its last national congress in Erfurt in March 1932 saw the union attempt to form an underground bureau to combat Adolf Hitler's fascists; a measure never implemented as mass arrests decimated the conspirators' ranks.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://flag.blackened.net/af/org/issue65/faud.html|title=Anarchist Resistance To Nazism: The FAUD Undergound in the Rhineland|magazine=Organise!|issue=65|year=2005|publisher=]|access-date=29 September 2009|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081201120108/http://flag.blackened.net/af/org/issue65/faud.html|archive-date=1 December 2008}}</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=Cited article is from an anarchist magazine of questionable reliability.|date=January 2023}} The editor of the FAUD organ ''Der Syndikalist'', Gerhard Wartenberg, was killed in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Karl Windhoff, delegate to the IWA Madrid congress of 1931, was driven out of his mind and also died in a Nazi death camp. There were also mass trials of FAUD members held in Wuppertal and Rhenanie; many of these never survived the death camps.<ref name="libcom"/>{{Better source needed|reason=Cited source is a self-published blogpost on Libcom.org that appears to have copy-pasted sections from Misplaced Pages|date=January 2023}} Italian IWA union USI, which had claimed a membership of up to 600,000 people in 1922, was waning due to murders and repression from ]'s fascists.<ref name="selfed">{{Cite book|chapter-url=http://www.selfed.org.uk/node/2865|chapter=Global anarcho-syndicalism 1939-99|url=http://www.selfed.org.uk/a-s-history/a-history-of-anarcho-syndicalism|title=A history of Anarcho-syndicalism|year=2001|edition=2nd|publisher=SelfEd Collective|access-date=31 January 2023}}</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=Cited source is self-published|date=January 2023}} It had been driven underground by 1924, and although it could still lead significant strikes by miners, metalworkers and marble workers, Mussolini's ascent to power in 1925 sealed its fate. By 1927, its leading activists had been arrested or exiled.<ref>{{cite book|last=Careri|first=Gianfranco|year=1991|title=Il sindacalismo autogestionario, l'USI dalle origini ad oggi|location=]|publisher=]|language=it|oclc=84689580}}</ref>

Portugal's CGT was driven underground after an unsuccessful attempt to break the newly installed dictatorship of ] with a general strike in 1927 that led to nearly 100 deaths. It survived underground with 15–20,000 members until January 1934, when it called a general revolutionary strike against plans to replace trade unions with fascist corporations, which failed. It continued in a much-reduced state until World War II but was effectively finished as a fighting union.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://libcom.org/article/iwa-today-south-london-dam-1985|author-link=Solidarity Federation|last=DAM-IWA|first=South London|title=The IWA today – South London DAM |year=1985|publisher=Aldgate Press|access-date=31 January 2023}}</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=Cited source is an anarcho-syndicalist pamphlet.|date=January 2023}} Massive government repression repeated such defeats worldwide as anarcho-syndicalist unions were destroyed in Peru, Brazil, Colombia, Japan, Cuba, Bulgaria, Paraguay and Bolivia. By the end of the 1930s, legal anarcho-syndicalist trade unions existed only in Chile, Bolivia, Sweden and Uruguay.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=89}} However, perhaps the most tremendous blow was struck in the ], which saw the CNT, then claiming a membership of 1.58 million, driven underground with the defeat of the Spanish Republic by ]. The sixth IWA congress took place in 1936, shortly after the ] had begun, but was unable to provide serious material support for the section. The IWA held its last pre-war congress in Paris in 1938; with months to go before the German invasion of Poland, it received an application from ZZZ,<ref>{{Cite magazine|url=https://libcom.org/article/anarchism-and-zzz-poland-1919-1939|author1=FAU|author2=NSF|title=Anarchism and the ZZZ in Poland, 1919-1939|location=]|publisher=]|magazine=]|access-date=31 January 2023}}</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=Cited source is a supplement to an anarcho-syndicalist magazine.|date=January 2023}} a syndicalist union in the country claiming up to 130,000 workers—ZZZ members went on to form a core part of the resistance against the Nazis and participated in the Warsaw uprising. However, the International was not to meet again until 1951, six years after World War II had ended. During the war, only one member of the IWA could continue to function as a revolutionary union, the SAC in Sweden.<ref name="libcom" />{{Better source needed|reason=Cited source is a self-published blogpost on Libcom.org that appears to have copy-pasted sections from Misplaced Pages|date=January 2023}} In 1927, with the "moderate" positioning of some ''cenetistas'' (CNT members), the {{Lang|es|]|italic=no}} (FAI), an association of anarchist ]s, was created in ]. The FAI would play an essential role during the following years through the so-called ''trabazón'' (connection) with the CNT; that is, the presence of FAI elements in the CNT, encouraging the labour union not to move away from its anarchist principles, an influence that continues today.<ref>{{Harvnb|Roca Martínez|2006|p=116}}</ref>


===Post-war decline=== ===Post-war decline===
] (SAC), marching on May Day in ]]]
Anarcho-syndicalism experienced a decline in the wake of World War II, as ] took root in the ] and ] increased in the ], with the anarcho-syndicalist organisations in ], ], ] and ] all being broken up.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=191}} Anarcho-syndicalists faced fierce repression in ], with the CNT attempting to continue its anarcho-syndicalist activities underground.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=191-192|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2pp=402-403}} In 1946, the organisation experienced a split over whether or not to support a ] with other ] forces, in a schism that persisted until the CNT's reunification in 1960. Most of the CNT's work took place in exile in France, where they maintained at least 30,000 active members. The Portuguese CGT was likewise repressed by the ], with its underground activity ceasing by the 1960s.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=191-192}} Political repression also hit anarcho-syndicalists in Latin America. The Argentine FORA attempted to resist the government of ] through strikes and demonstrations, but by the 1950s, their independent trade unions and publications had been shut down and its membership declined. Anarcho-syndicalist federations in Uruguay, Chile and Bolivia also dissolved in the early 1950s, with many of them merging into mainstream trade union federations.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=192-193}} Anarcho-syndicalists would continue to play leading roles within Latin American trade unions until the 1960s.{{Sfn|Hirsch|van der Walt|2010b|p=403}}
During ], anarcho-syndicalists initially adopted an "internationalist" position, taking up the slogan "Neither Fascism, nor Antifascism." But following the ] and the subsequent suppression of their organisations, anarcho-syndicalists throughout Europe reorientated themselves towards ] and joined the ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=185-189}} After the war, anarcho-syndicalism experienced a rapid decline, as anarcho-syndicalist unions were either marginalised by rising ] or repressed by newly-established authoritarian states.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=191-193|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2pp=402-403}} Anarcho-syndicalists proved unable to keep up with the changes in the post-war capitalist system, which hastened the decline of the anarcho-syndicalist movement and forced its organisations to choose between marginalisation, reform or dissolution.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=193-195}} Despite the economic changes, the IWA chose to reaffirm traditional anarcho-syndicalist principles, causing its Dutch and Swedish sections to split from it.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=195-196}} The SAC chose to revise its principles in order to adapt to the new ], within which they aimed to establish ] over ] and the ] of the economy.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=196-198}} The IWA declined to its lowest point during the 1960s, as its membership became increasingly preoccupied with theory.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=198-199}}


===Contemporary revival===
], who provided a materialist explanation for the decline of anarcho-syndicalism in the late-20th century]]
]
Although anarcho-syndicalists had space to pursue legal activity in Western Europe, no substantial revival of the movement took place. In France, the ] (CNT) managed to bring together tens of thousands of workers in major cities, but it lacked material and organisational strength, so its members soon left for more mainstream trade unions. The Italian USI was likewise reorganised, but failed to become a major force. In Sweden, the SAC managed to retain a relatively large membership, but also experienced a decline in numbers during the 1950s. Anarchists in France and Italy came to consider anarcho-syndicalism to be a divisive force in the workers movement, and instead began to favour small-scale activities within existing trade unions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=193}} According to historians ] and Wayne Thorpe, changes within the western capitalist system, such as the exacerbation of the division of labour through an increasing ] and ] of production, contributed to this decline in the anarcho-syndicalist movement and the wider radical workers' movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=193-194}} ] also drove an increase in state intervention in the economy, leading to the rise of ]s, which improved the living conditions of workers and gave them a stake in the functioning of their economic systems.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=194|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2p=405}} To van der Linden and Thorpe, these new material realities confronted the anarcho-syndicalist movement with three possibilities: to hold firm to its principles, at risk of marginalisation; to revise some of its principles, in order to adjust to the new material conditions; or to dissolve entirely and merge into the reformist trade union movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=194-195}}
The anarcho-syndicalist movement began to experience a revival in the wake of the ] and the ]. While the Spanish CNT experienced a rapid growth, new anarcho-syndicalist organisations were established throughout Europe.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=198-199|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2pp=403-404}} As ] and ] led to the dismantling of welfare states in the West, while the ] collapsed, anarcho-syndicalists once again began to present ] as a necessary alternative to the state and capitalism.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=199-200|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2pp=395, 407-408}} By the turn of the 21st century, anarcho-syndicalism had experienced a resurgence, as anarcho-syndicalist organisations re-emerged throughout the globe. Existing anarcho-syndicalist unions once again began taking direct action and organising strikes, while new anarcho-syndicalist unions established large support bases and achieved social reforms.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=200-202|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2pp=395-396}}


==Theory==
], marching on May Day in ]]]
] (CNT) in Barcelona]]
The first path was followed by the IWA, which in the 1950s adopted a series of resolutions to reaffirm its anarcho-syndicalist principles, rejecting collaboration with statist forces and renouncing its previously held position of "]". This caused a split in the IWA, with the Dutch and Swedish sections leaving the international in 1958.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=195-196}} The second path was taken by the SAC, which decided to revise its principles in order to keep up with modernisation, while continuing to call itself anarcho-syndicalist.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=196}} This revisionist tendency was influenced by the German syndicalist ], who argued against the "]" of ]. Rüdiger posited that new social conditions meant that the abolition of the state would not only abolish the apparatus of ] but also the new systems of ], the latter of which he believed workers would never consent to. He instead proposed that anarcho-syndicalists, rather than waiting for a future social revolution, ought to act within the existing system in order to reform it towards increased ], which he felt justified working within ]s and participating in ]s.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=196-197}} With this new outlook, the SAC began to participate in the ], taking a key role in the administration of ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=197}} In 1952, members of the SAC approved a declaration that its goal was to establish an ] by progressively transferring control over private and public enterprises from ]s to workers. The organisation renounced what {{ill|Evert Arvidsson|sv}} described as the "magic wand of revolution", instead taking the role of the left-wing opposition within the Swedish welfare system.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=197-198}} The SAC's establishment of unemployment insurance funds worked to bring more workers into its ranks, but also made it a target of criticism from the international anarcho-syndicalist movement, which denounced it for reformism and collaborationism.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=198}}
The political theory of anarcho-syndicalism is based on the foundations of ], as formulated by the anti-authoritarian faction of the ], while its organisational forms were adopted from ], which was first put into practice by the French labour movement in the early 20th century.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|p=82}}


Anarcho-syndicalism is distinguished from other forms of syndicalism by its anarchist political philosophy, where other syndicalist tendencies distance themselves from anarchism or even deny any political alignment.{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|p=142}} Other varieties of syndicalism include: the "neutral" revolutionary syndicalism, which separates itself from other political theories;{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=31-34, 46|2a1=van der Walt|2a2=Schmidt|2y=2009|2pp=142-143}} ]'s ], which infused it with a ] influence;{{Sfnm|1a1=Rocker|1y=1989|1p=137|2a1=van der Walt|2a2=Schmidt|2y=2009|2p=143}} and an ] of syndicalism developed by ], which advocates for ] and ]making to drive the masses towards a general strike.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=28}}
By the 1960s, the IWA had declined to its lowest point, as anarcho-syndicalists became largely preoccupied with providing theoretical analyses of new developments in both capitalist and ]s.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=198-199}} It was only after the ] and the ] that the anarcho-syndicalist movement began to experience a revival. The CNT once again rose to prominence in Spain,{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=198-199|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2p=403}} growing to represent 300,000 members by the end of the 1970s, but it ultimately failed to become a leading force in the post-Francoist period.{{Sfn|Hirsch|van der Walt|2010b|pp=403-404}} Meanwhile, new anarcho-syndicalist organisations were established in countries throughout Europe.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=198-199}} During the 1980s, ] and ] led to the dismantling of welfare states in the West, while the Eastern Bloc collapsed in the ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=199|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2pp=395, 407-408}} This caused a crisis in ], as social-democratic parties adopted neoliberalism and mainstream trade unions were unable to prevent the worsening of living and working conditions, with many workers facing increased ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=199}} Anarcho-syndicalists considered this to be a moment that demonstrated the problems inherent to capitalism and the state,{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=199-200}} and once again began to present ] as a necessary alternative to the existing system.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=199-200|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2p=395}}


Anarcho-syndicalism also distinguishes itself from other forms of anarchism, due to its favourability towards ] and organisation.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=25-26}} While other forms of anarchism reject ] and the ], considering the ideal of a ] to be one of ], small-scale social units, anarcho-syndicalism foresees trade unions as taking over a large-scale and centralised industrial economy.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=26}} Anarcho-syndicalists believe that the establishment of a syndicalist system could lead to the ] and as such to ] and ].{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=26-27}} Some support the temporary establishment of a ] of distribution "]", until a state of ] is achieved, at which point it would give way to an ] system of distribution "]".{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=27-28}}
===Contemporary revival===
By the turn of the 21st century, anarcho-syndicalism had experienced a revival, as anarcho-syndicalist organisations re-emerged throughout the globe. In Europe and the Americas, pre-existing and dormant organisations were revitalised,{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=200|2a1=Hirsch|2a2=van der Walt|2y=2010b|2pp=395-396}} while entirely new organisations were established in Africa and Asia.{{Sfn|Hirsch|van der Walt|2010b|pp=395-396}} The FORA was reestablished in Argentina, while the Spanish CNT, French CNT and Italian USI became more active.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=200}} Anarcho-syndicalist groups were established in Indonesia, Nigeria and Syria, and a branch of the IWW was founded in Sierra Leone.{{Sfn|Hirsch|van der Walt|2010b|pp=395-396}} This also coincided with the revival of the ], as organisations affiliated with the '']'' began coordinating indigenous and peasant resistance to neoliberalism and globalisation.{{Sfn|Hirsch|van der Walt|2010b|pp=396-397}}


In the contemporary period, anarcho-syndicalism is divided into two main factions: the "orthodox" faction, which rejects any ] or ] with statist forces, in favour of waiting for the right conditions for a ]; and the "revisionist" faction, which is open to participation in systems of ] and pursues ] towards the ] of the economy.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=194-197}}
]
Although they remained relatively small, these organisations reoriented themselves towards radicalising existing initiatives of ] and ], rather than trying to take the leadership in the workers' movement.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=200}} Anarcho-syndicalists became more present in social conflicts, with the Spanish CNT growing to count 10,000 members and participating in some of the country's most radical strike actions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=200-201}} In ], ] spearheaded by the CNT organised a mass strike and took forms of direct action against the closure of the local shipyard.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=201}} Striking workers erected barricades throughout the city, clashed with the police in street battles and sabotaged infrastructure, eventually securing the maintenance of the port.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=201-202}}


===Anti-politics ===
]
Anarcho-syndicalism is an ] or ] ideology,{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|pp=142-143}} opposed to the formation of socialist political parties and participation in parliamentary politics.{{Sfnm|1a1=Rocker|1y=1989|1pp=82-83|2a1=van der Walt|2a2=Schmidt|2y=2009|2pp=142-143}} Anarcho-syndicalists argue that socialist participation in politics, rather than moving society closer to socialism, has damaged the labour movement by substituting ] for ].{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|p=83}} They have further criticised socialist parties for abandoning ] in favour of ], which they believe to have resulted in the reinforcement of capitalism and the integration of the labour movement into the ]. To anarcho-syndicalists, political ] corrupted socialist politicians, while electoralism transformed socialism from a ] into a ].{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=83-84}} Anarcho-syndicalists are thus opposed to unions affiliating with political parties and attempt to prevent the capture of unions by party politicians.{{Sfn|van der Walt|Schmidt|2009|pp=142-143}} From this position, anarcho-syndicalists have denounced ] as a vehicle for ] and ], and criticised ] for bureaucratic inaction.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=84-85}}
Into the 2000s, the CNT organised a series of mass strikes in cities throughout Spain, while the USI participated in a number of general strikes in Italy.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=202}} In post-communist Russia, anarcho-syndicalism was revived by the ] (KRAS), which has participated in a series of strike actions, distributed anarchist propaganda and engaged in anti-militarist activism.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=203-205}} By 2007, the IWA had grown to include 16 affiliate sections, representing organisations from throughout the world. That same year, a revolutionary syndicalist summit brought together 250 delegates from throughout the world, with African unions representing the largest delegation.{{Sfn|Hirsch|van der Walt|2010b|p=396}}


===Trade unionism===
The contemporary anarcho-syndicalist revival also brought with it a new wave of splits, as new syndicates were formed with the intention of seeking a mass base, participating in ]s and achieving social reforms.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=202}} These new organisations included the ] (CGT), which broke off from the Spanish CNT in 1984; the CNT-F, which separated from the French CNT in 1995;{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=202n337}} and the Italian {{ill|COBAS|it|Cobas}}. Within decades, the CGT had grown to become Spain's third-largest union, representing over two million workers, while the COBAS counted hundreds of thousands of workers in its ranks. Together, these organisations founded a new international, the {{ill|European Federation of Alternative Syndicalism|it|Federazione europea del sindacalismo alternativo}}, in 2003.{{Sfn|Hirsch|van der Walt|2010b|p=396}} <!-- News from 2010s still needed -->
Anarcho-syndicalists see trade unions not only as a means by which workers can organise for immediate improvements to their living and working conditions; but also as a means of training workers for ], with the goal of establishing ] over production and the creation of a ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1pp=24-25|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2p=86}} Anarcho-syndicalists believe that trade unions are better suited for these tasks than socialist political parties, as workers often still require trade unions to protect their rights even under socialist governments.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=86-88}} Anarcho-syndicalists consider trade unions to be the ] of the labour movement; they believe workers' power resides in the economic sphere, as they are responsible for producing the ] that society relies upon.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=88-89}} For anarcho-syndicalists, trade unions represent the ] of a future socialist economy, the foundation that a new syndicalist society will be built on.{{Sfnm|1a1=Rocker|1y=1989|1p=89|2a1=van der Walt|2y=2018|2pp=250-251}} ] is therefore at the centre of anarcho-syndicalism, which aims to use trade unions to prepare workers to take over management of the industrial economy.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=89-90}}


===Federalism===
== Theory and politics ==
] ]
Anarcho-syndicalism organises itself according to the principles of ] and ], in which the ] is upheld.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|p=90}} Anarcho-syndicalists are staunchly opposed to ], ] forms of organisation, which they believe stifle ] with ].{{Sfnm|1a1=Rocker|1y=1989|1pp=90-91|2a1=van der Walt|2y=2018|2p=252}} In anarcho-syndicalist organisations, individual unions carry out their activities on a voluntary basis; for any larger-scale activity that requires ], representatives are typically elected for ] and are paid the same amount as the workers they represent.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=91-92}} Anarcho-syndicalists believe that centralism weakens and inhibits workers' capacity to take independent action and make decisions, and that centralised organisations inevitably tend towards inertia and stagnation.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=92-93}} In contrast, they believe that federalist organisations provide workers with both the means to take rapid action in individual struggles and also connections that could allow them to establish workers' control of the economy and society in a ].{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|p=93}}
Anarcho-syndicalists believe that ] carried out by workers as opposed to indirect action, such as electing a representative to a government position, would allow workers to liberate themselves.<ref>Rudolf Rocker, ''Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice'' (AK Press, 2004), p. 73, {{ISBN|1-902593-92-8}}</ref>


According to the anarcho-syndicalist model, federal organisations are built from the bottom-up, on both a territorial and industrial basis:{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=25|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2pp=93-94|3a1=van der Walt|3y=2018|3p=260}} first, workers join together in independent trade unions; the trade unions in a given city or district then combine into a ], which act as centres for popular education and build ] between workers of different trades; the cartels then group together on a regional basis, up to the national level, providing larger-scale coordination between its member organisations.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=93-94}} Under this model, each trade union is also federatively linked with other unions of the same trade and related trades in ], which allow workers a greater scope of ]s in struggles relevant to their economic sector.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|p=94}} Anarcho-syndicalists see this federative form of industrial organisation as the nucleus for the reorganisation of the economy and society, as it would be able to take over the management of production in every economic sector.{{Sfnm|1a1=Damier|1y=2009|1p=25|2a1=Rocker|2y=1989|2p=94}} In such a ], cartels would take over production in their communities, determine the needs of their local population and organise the economy to meet those needs. A national federation would likewise be able to organise production throughout a given country to meet the needs of the entire populace nationwide, while the industrial unions established workers' control over the ] and ]ation.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=94-95}}
Anarcho-syndicalists believe that workers' organisations that oppose the wage system will eventually form the basis of a new society and should be self-managing. They should not have bosses or "business agents"; instead, the workers alone should decide on what affects them.<ref>Rudolf Rocker, ''Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice'' (AK Press, 2004), p. 62-63, {{ISBN|1-902593-92-8}}</ref> ] is one of the most influential figures in the anarcho-syndicalist movement.


==Practice==
], influenced by Rocker, wrote the introduction to a modern edition of '']''. A member of the ] (IWW), Chomsky is a self-described anarcho-syndicalist, a position that he sees as the appropriate application of ] political theory to contemporary industrial society:
In contrast to political parties that seek to enhance the political power of ] over ], anarcho-syndicalists aim to restrict the ability of the state to act and influence society.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=109-110}} Anarcho-syndicalism also seeks to abolish ] and replace it with ], which it does by lowering the ]s of business owners and raising the workers' ] in the product of their own labour.{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|p=110}} Anarcho-syndicalists consider the state to be a result of ], established and maintained in order to protect the ] of capitalists over the economy. As such, anarcho-syndicalists predict that the ] will be an inevitable consequence of the abolition of capitalism. While moving towards this, they also consider it necessary to protect the ] that workers have achieved from ].{{Sfn|Rocker|1989|pp=110-111}}
{{quotation|Now a federated, decentralised system of free associations, incorporating economic as well as other social institutions, would be what I refer to as anarcho-syndicalism; and it seems to me that this is the appropriate form of social organisation for an advanced technological society in which human beings do not have to be forced into the position of tools, of cogs in the machine. There is no longer any social necessity for human beings to be treated as mechanical elements in the productive process; that can be overcome and we must overcome it to be a society of freedom and free association, in which the creative urge that I consider intrinsic to human nature will in fact be able to realize itself in whatever way it will.<ref>The Chomsky-Foucault Debate on Human Nature, The New Press, 2006, p.38-9</ref>}}


Anarcho-syndicalism is driven by the practice of ], which eschews legalistic methods in favour of workers forcing their employers to make concessions.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|p=23}} Methods of direct action include boycotts, sabotage and ]s, the latter of which syndicalists framed as a "revolutionary drill" to prepare workers for the overthrow of capitalism and the state.{{Sfn|Damier|2009|pp=23-24}}
]


== See also == == See also ==
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* ]
* ]
* ]
* ] * ]
* ] * ]
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* ] * ]
* ] * ]
* ] * ]
* ]
* ]
* ] * ]
* ]


{{Portal|Politics|Socialism|Anarchism}} {{Portal|Politics|Socialism|Anarchism}}
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== Bibliography == == Bibliography ==
{{refbegin|2}}

* {{cite book|last=Damier|first=Vadim|year=2009|orig-year=2000|title=Anarcho-syndicalism in the 20th Century|translator-last=Archibald|translator-first=Malcolm|location=]|publisher=Black Cat Press|isbn=978-0-9737827-6-9}}
* {{cite book|first1=Steven J.|last1=Hirsch|first2=Lucien|last2=van der Walt|author-link2=Lucien van der Walt|chapter=Rethinking Anarchism and Syndicalism: the colonial and postcolonial experience, 1870–1940|editor-first1=Steven J.|editor-last1=Hirsch|editor-first2=Lucien|editor-last2=van der Walt|editor-link2=Lucien van der Walt|title=Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870–1940|series=Studies in Global Social History|volume=6|publisher=]|location=]|year=2010a|isbn=9789004188495|oclc=868808983|pages=xxxi-lxxiii}}
* {{cite book|first1=Steven J.|last1=Hirsch|first2=Lucien|last2=van der Walt|author-link2=Lucien van der Walt|chapter=Final Reflections: the vicissitudes of anarchist and syndicalist trajectories, 1940 to the present|editor-first1=Steven J.|editor-last1=Hirsch|editor-first2=Lucien|editor-last2=van der Walt|editor-link2=Lucien van der Walt|title=Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870–1940|series=Studies in Global Social History|volume=6|publisher=]|location=]|year=2010b|isbn=9789004188495|oclc=868808983|pages=395–412}}
* {{cite book|last=Rocker|first=Rudolf|author-link=Rudolf Rocker|year=1989|orig-year=1938|title=Anarcho-Syndicalism|publisher=]|isbn=0-7453-1392-2}}
* {{cite book|last=Thorpe|first=Wayne|year=1989|title=The Workers Themselves|title-link=The Workers Themselves|publisher=]|isbn=0-7923-0276-1|lccn=89-8205}}
* {{cite book|title=]|first1=Lucien|last1=van der Walt|author-link=Lucien van der Walt|first2=Michael|last2=Schmidt|year=2009|location=]|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-904859-16-1|lccn=2006933558|oclc=1100238201}}
* {{cite journal|last=van der Walt|first=Lucien|year=2016|title=Global Anarchism and Syndicalism: Theory, History, Resistance|url=https://journals.lwbooks.co.uk/anarchiststudies/vol-24-issue-1/abstract-9310/|journal=]|volume=24|issue=1|issn=0967-3393|pages=85–106}}
* {{cite book|last=van der Walt|first=Lucien|chapter=Syndicalism|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=249–264|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_14|s2cid=242074567 }}
* {{cite book|last=Zimmer|first=Kenyon|chapter=Haymarket and the Rise of Syndicalism|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=353–370|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_21|s2cid=242074567 }}
{{refend}}

== Further reading ==
{{refbegin|2}} {{refbegin|2}}
* {{cite book |last=Aguilar Fernández |first=Palomar |year=2002 |title=Memory and Amnesia: The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy |publisher=Berghahn Books |isbn=1-57181-496-5}} * {{cite book |last=Aguilar Fernández |first=Palomar |year=2002 |title=Memory and Amnesia: The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy |publisher=Berghahn Books |isbn=1-57181-496-5}}
Line 124: Line 102:
* {{cite book |last=Beevor |first=Antony |author-link=Antony Beevor |title=Battle for Spain the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 |year=2006 |publisher=Penguin Books |location=New York |isbn=0-14-303765-X |url=https://archive.org/details/battleforspainsp00anto/page/295 }} * {{cite book |last=Beevor |first=Antony |author-link=Antony Beevor |title=Battle for Spain the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 |year=2006 |publisher=Penguin Books |location=New York |isbn=0-14-303765-X |url=https://archive.org/details/battleforspainsp00anto/page/295 }}
* {{cite book|last=D'Agostino|first=Anthony|chapter=Anarchism and Marxism in the Russian Revolution|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=409–428|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_24|s2cid=158605651 }} * {{cite book|last=D'Agostino|first=Anthony|chapter=Anarchism and Marxism in the Russian Revolution|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=409–428|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_24|s2cid=158605651 }}
* {{cite book|last=Damier|first=Vadim|year=2009|orig-year=2000|title=Anarcho-syndicalism in the 20th Century|translator-last=Archibald|translator-first=Malcolm|location=]|publisher=Black Cat Press|isbn=978-0-9737827-6-9}}
* {{cite journal|last1=Evans|first1=Danny|last2=Stainforth|first2=Elizabeth|year=2022|title=Learning to live: Anarcho-syndicalism and utopia in Spain, 1931–37|journal=International Journal of Iberian Studies|volume=36 |pages=3–20 |issn=1758-9150|doi=10.1386/ijis_00078_1|s2cid=254803080 |url=https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/194715/1/EvansStainforth-FINAL.pdf }} * {{cite journal|last1=Evans|first1=Danny|last2=Stainforth|first2=Elizabeth|year=2022|title=Learning to live: Anarcho-syndicalism and utopia in Spain, 1931–37|journal=International Journal of Iberian Studies|volume=36 |pages=3–20 |issn=1758-9150|doi=10.1386/ijis_00078_1|s2cid=254803080 |url=https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/194715/1/EvansStainforth-FINAL.pdf }}
* {{cite book|last=Graham|first=Robert|chapter=Anarchism and the First International|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=325–342|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_19|s2cid=158605651 }} * {{cite book|last=Graham|first=Robert|chapter=Anarchism and the First International|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=325–342|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_19|s2cid=158605651 }}
* {{cite book|last=Heywood|first=Paul|chapter=The Labour Movement in Spain before 1914|editor-last=Geary|editor-first=Dick|year=1989|title=Labour and Socialist Movements in Europe Before 1914|url=https://archive.org/details/laboursocialistm0000unse|publisher=]|isbn=0-85496-200-X|lccn=88-21418|pages=231–265}} * {{cite book|last=Heywood|first=Paul|chapter=The Labour Movement in Spain before 1914|editor-last=Geary|editor-first=Dick|year=1989|title=Labour and Socialist Movements in Europe Before 1914|url=https://archive.org/details/laboursocialistm0000unse|publisher=]|isbn=0-85496-200-X|lccn=88-21418|pages=231–265}}
* {{cite book|first1=Steven J.|last1=Hirsch|first2=Lucien|last2=van der Walt|author-link2=Lucien van der Walt|chapter=Rethinking Anarchism and Syndicalism: the colonial and postcolonial experience, 1870–1940|editor-first1=Steven J.|editor-last1=Hirsch|editor-first2=Lucien|editor-last2=van der Walt|editor-link2=Lucien van der Walt|title=Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870–1940|series=Studies in Global Social History|volume=6|publisher=]|location=]|year=2010a|isbn=9789004188495|oclc=868808983|pages=xxxi-lxxiii}}
* {{cite book|first1=Steven J.|last1=Hirsch|first2=Lucien|last2=van der Walt|author-link2=Lucien van der Walt|chapter=Final Reflections: the vicissitudes of anarchist and syndicalist trajectories, 1940 to the present|editor-first1=Steven J.|editor-last1=Hirsch|editor-first2=Lucien|editor-last2=van der Walt|editor-link2=Lucien van der Walt|title=Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870–1940|series=Studies in Global Social History|volume=6|publisher=]|location=]|year=2010b|isbn=9789004188495|oclc=868808983|pages=395–412}}
* {{cite book|last=Ramnath|first=Maia|chapter=Non-Western Anarchisms and Postcolonialism|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=677–695|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_38|s2cid=150357033 }} * {{cite book|last=Ramnath|first=Maia|chapter=Non-Western Anarchisms and Postcolonialism|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=677–695|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_38|s2cid=150357033 }}
* {{cite journal |last=Roca Martínez |first=Beltrán |year=2006 |title=Anarchism, anthropology and Andalucia: an analysis of the CNT and 'New Capitalism' |journal=] |volume=14 |issue=2 |pages=106–130 |publisher=] |location=London |issn=0967-3393 |url=http://www.lwbooks.co.uk/journals/anarchiststudies/articles/Mart%EDnez.pdf |access-date=31 January 2023 |archive-date=28 February 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110228212207/http://www.lwbooks.co.uk/journals/anarchiststudies/articles/Mart%EDnez.pdf |url-status=dead }} * {{cite journal |last=Roca Martínez |first=Beltrán |year=2006 |title=Anarchism, anthropology and Andalucia: an analysis of the CNT and 'New Capitalism' |journal=] |volume=14 |issue=2 |pages=106–130 |publisher=] |location=London |issn=0967-3393 |url=http://www.lwbooks.co.uk/journals/anarchiststudies/articles/Mart%EDnez.pdf |access-date=31 January 2023 |archive-date=28 February 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110228212207/http://www.lwbooks.co.uk/journals/anarchiststudies/articles/Mart%EDnez.pdf |url-status=dead }}
* {{cite book|last=Rocker|first=Rudolf|author-link=Rudolf Rocker|year=1989|orig-year=1938|title=Anarcho-Syndicalism|publisher=]|isbn=0-7453-1392-2}}
* {{cite journal|last=Simon|first=S. Fanny|year=1946|title=Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism in South America|journal=]|publisher=]|volume=26|issue=1|pages=38–59|doi=10.2307/2507692 |issn=1527-1900|jstor=2507692}} * {{cite journal|last=Simon|first=S. Fanny|year=1946|title=Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism in South America|journal=]|publisher=]|volume=26|issue=1|pages=38–59|doi=10.2307/2507692 |issn=1527-1900|jstor=2507692}}
* {{cite book|last=Thorpe|first=Wayne|year=1989|title=The Workers Themselves|title-link=The Workers Themselves|publisher=]|isbn=0-7923-0276-1|lccn=89-8205}}
* {{cite journal|doi=10.1177/002200947300800304|last=Vallance|first=Margaret|date=July 1973|title=Rudolf Rocker – a biographical sketch|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|volume=8|issue=3|pages=75–95|publisher=Sage Publications|location=London/Beverly Hills|s2cid=159569041|issn=0022-0094|oclc=49976309}} * {{cite journal|doi=10.1177/002200947300800304|last=Vallance|first=Margaret|date=July 1973|title=Rudolf Rocker – a biographical sketch|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|volume=8|issue=3|pages=75–95|publisher=Sage Publications|location=London/Beverly Hills|s2cid=159569041|issn=0022-0094|oclc=49976309}}
* {{cite book|title=]|first1=Lucien|last1=van der Walt|author-link=Lucien van der Walt|first2=Michael|last2=Schmidt|year=2009|location=]|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-904859-16-1|lccn=2006933558|oclc=1100238201}}
* {{cite journal|last=van der Walt|first=Lucien|year=2016|title=Global Anarchism and Syndicalism: Theory, History, Resistance|url=https://journals.lwbooks.co.uk/anarchiststudies/vol-24-issue-1/abstract-9310/|journal=]|volume=24|issue=1|issn=0967-3393|pages=85–106}}
* {{cite book|last=van der Walt|first=Lucien|chapter=Syndicalism|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=249–264|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_14|s2cid=242074567 }}
* {{cite journal|last=Weltman|first=Burton|year=2000|title=Revisiting Paul Goodman: Anarcho-Syndicalism as the American Way of Life|journal=Educational Theory|volume=50|issue=2|pages=179–199|issn=1741-5446|doi=10.1111/j.1741-5446.2000.00179.x}} * {{cite journal|last=Weltman|first=Burton|year=2000|title=Revisiting Paul Goodman: Anarcho-Syndicalism as the American Way of Life|journal=Educational Theory|volume=50|issue=2|pages=179–199|issn=1741-5446|doi=10.1111/j.1741-5446.2000.00179.x}}
* {{cite journal|last1=White|first1=Robert|last2=Sproule|first2=Warren|year=2002|title=Don't Mourn the Death of Theory, Organize! Globalization and the rhizome of anarcho-syndicalism|journal=]|volume=16|issue=3|pages=317–333|issn=1469-3666|doi=10.1080/1030431022000018681|s2cid=146834025 }} * {{cite journal|last1=White|first1=Robert|last2=Sproule|first2=Warren|year=2002|title=Don't Mourn the Death of Theory, Organize! Globalization and the rhizome of anarcho-syndicalism|journal=]|volume=16|issue=3|pages=317–333|issn=1469-3666|doi=10.1080/1030431022000018681|s2cid=146834025 }}
* {{cite book|last=Williams|first=Dana M.|chapter=Tactics: Conceptions of Social Change, Revolution, and Anarchist Organisation|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=107–124|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_6|s2cid=158841066 }} * {{cite book|last=Williams|first=Dana M.|chapter=Tactics: Conceptions of Social Change, Revolution, and Anarchist Organisation|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=107–124|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_6|s2cid=158841066 }}
* {{cite book|last=Zimmer|first=Kenyon|chapter=Haymarket and the Rise of Syndicalism|editor-last1=Adams|editor-first1=Matthew S.|editor-last2=Levy|editor-first2=Carl|year=2018|title=The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-3319756196|pages=353–370|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_21|s2cid=242074567 }}
* {{cite journal|last=Zoffmann-Rodriguez|first=Arturo|year=2018|title=Anarcho-syndicalism and the Russian Revolution: Towards a political explanation of a fleeting romance, 1917–22|journal=Revolutionary Russia|volume=31|issue=2|pages=226–246|issn=1743-7873|doi=10.1080/09546545.2018.1535949|s2cid=149863663 }} * {{cite journal|last=Zoffmann-Rodriguez|first=Arturo|year=2018|title=Anarcho-syndicalism and the Russian Revolution: Towards a political explanation of a fleeting romance, 1917–22|journal=Revolutionary Russia|volume=31|issue=2|pages=226–246|issn=1743-7873|doi=10.1080/09546545.2018.1535949|s2cid=149863663 }}
{{refend}} {{refend}}

== Further reading ==
* ], , Freedom Press, 2012 {{ISBN|978-1904491200}}
* Flank, Lenny (ed), ''IWW: A Documentary History'', Red and Black Publishers, St Petersburg, Florida, 2007. {{ISBN|978-0-9791813-5-1}}
* ],


== External links == == External links ==

Latest revision as of 18:11, 11 January 2025

Anarchist organisational model for trade unions

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    Anarcho-syndicalism is an anarchist organisational model that centres trade unions as a vehicle for class conflict. Drawing from the theory of libertarian socialism and the practice of syndicalism, anarcho-syndicalism sees trade unions as both a means to achieve immediate improvements to working conditions and to build towards a social revolution in the form of a general strike, with the ultimate aim of abolishing the state and capitalism. Anarcho-syndicalists consider trade unions to be the prefiguration of a post-capitalist society and seek to use them in order to establish workers' control of production and distribution. An anti-political ideology, anarcho-syndicalism rejects political parties and participation in parliamentary politics, considering them to be a corrupting influence on the labour movement. In order to achieve their material and economic goals, anarcho-syndicalists instead practice direct action in the form of strike actions, boycotts and sabotage. Anarcho-syndicalists also attempt to build solidarity among the working class, in order to unite workers against the exploitation of labour and build workers' self-management.

    The foundations of anarcho-syndicalism were laid by the anti-authoritarian faction of the International Workingmen's Association (IWMA) and developed by the French General Confederation of Labour (CGT). Anarcho-syndicalism was constituted as a specific tendency following the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam, which led to anarcho-syndicalism becoming the dominant form of trade union organisation in Europe and Latin America. After facing suppression during the Revolutions of 1917–1923, anarcho-syndicalists established the International Workers' Association (IWA). Anarcho-syndicalism reached its apex during the Spanish Revolution of 1936, when the National Confederation of Labour (CNT) established an anarcho-syndicalist economy throughout much of the Spanish Republic. Anarcho-syndicalism went into decline after the defeat of the anarchists in the Spanish Civil War. The movement split into two factions: the "orthodox" faction, which held to traditional syndicalist principles in spite of changing material conditions; and the "revisionist" faction, which aimed to achieve a mass base and work within the framework of newly-established welfare states. By the end of the 20th century, the rise of neoliberalism and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc had led to a revival in anarcho-syndicalism, with syndicalist unions once again being established throughout the globe.

    History

    Main article: History of anarcho-syndicalism

    Origins

    The history of anarcho-syndicalism can be traced back to the anarchist faction of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), which called for trade unions to overthrow the state in a general strike. This syndicalist model of trade union organisation was adopted by anarchists in Spain, Cuba, Mexico and the United States, where syndicalism became the dominant organisational form. Elsewhere, the development of reformist tendencies such as social democracy sidelined anarchists within trade unions. But tensions between rank-and-file trade unionists and their social-democratic leadership eventually gave way to the development of revolutionary syndicalism, which called for workers themselves to take direct action in order to improve their own material conditions.

    Growth of syndicalism

    A women's convention at the Bourse du Travail in Troyes, c. 1900

    Revolutionary syndicalism was first propagated in France, where the Bourses du Travail (English: Labour Exchanges) were established to provide mutual aid to workers and organise strike actions. By the 20th century, the bourses had joined together to establish the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), which rose to include 60% of French workers within its ranks. But after the CGT launched a general strike, which won French workers the eight-hour day and the weekend, the union turned away from revolutionary syndicalism towards reformism. However, by this time, revolutionary syndicalism had already spread throughout Europe, with syndicalist unions being established in the Netherlands, Italy, Portugal, Germany and Sweden. The concurrent development of industrial unionism led to the establishment of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in countries throughout the English-speaking world. By the 1910s, syndicalism had spread throughout every country in Europe and anarchist tendencies started to develop within the movement.

    Development of anarcho-syndicalism

    Demonstration by the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (FORA) in 1915

    Although anarchists widely participated in the syndicalist movement, syndicalists were divided into separate tendencies, many of which rejected the ideological prescriptions of anarchism. At the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam, convened by the anarcho-syndicalist Christiaan Cornelissen in 1907, a conflict between the two tendencies broke out; while the syndicalist Pierre Monatte and the anarchist Errico Malatesta debated their respective ideologies, Amédée Dunois attempted to synthesise the two into a "workers' anarchism". Anarcho-syndicalism soon became the dominant form of trade union organisation in Spain, Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Paraguay, Uruguay and many other Latin American countries, where anarcho-syndicalists organised a series of general strikes for the eight-hour day. Attempts to establish international links between these anarcho-syndicalist organisations culminated in the convocation of a revolutionary syndicalist congress in 1913, although further movements towards the creation of an international organisation were halted by the outbreak of world war.

    War and Revolution

    Arrested anarcho-syndicalist workers, following the Patagonia Rebellion, c. 1920

    The outbreak of World War I split anarcho-syndicalists into internationalist and defencist camps; the former declared themselves against both sides of the war, while the latter supported the Allies against the Central Powers. The conflict ultimately demonstrated the inability of the international syndicalist movement to prevent war and discredited "neutral syndicalism" in the eyes of many workers, causing revolutionary sentiments to once again begin rising within the workers' movement. When the Revolutions of 1917–1923 spread throughout Europe, anarcho-syndicalists became keen participants in the revolutionary wave, during which they faced rising political repression. Anarcho-syndicalists in Europe, Latin America and Asia organised general strikes, sometimes reaching revolutionary proportions, but were ultimately suppressed by nationalist or communist dictatorships.

    Apex

    Anarchist militiawoman Ana Garbín on a barricade during the Spanish Revolution of 1936

    Following the suppression of their movements and the rising influence of Marxism-Leninism throughout the world, anarcho-syndicalists moved to establish their own international organisation: the International Workers' Association (IWA). Theoretical discussions within the IWA led to debates on the issues of platformism, insurrectionism, industrialism and reformism, while the Spanish National Confederation of Labour (CNT) rose to prominence in the Spanish Republic. With the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, the CNT led the defeat of the Nationalists in Catalonia, where they ignited an anarcho-syndicalist revolution that collectivised three-quarters of the Republican economy. The CNT's decision to join the Republican government caused controversy within the IWA and the social revolution was eventually suppressed by the government. The Republicans ultimately lost the war and the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists were imprisoned, killed or forced into exile by the victorious Francoist dictatorship.

    Post-war decline

    Members of the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC), marching on May Day in Malmö

    During World War II, anarcho-syndicalists initially adopted an "internationalist" position, taking up the slogan "Neither Fascism, nor Antifascism." But following the Nazi occupation of Europe and the subsequent suppression of their organisations, anarcho-syndicalists throughout Europe reorientated themselves towards anti-fascism and joined the anti-fascist resistance. After the war, anarcho-syndicalism experienced a rapid decline, as anarcho-syndicalist unions were either marginalised by rising social corporatism or repressed by newly-established authoritarian states. Anarcho-syndicalists proved unable to keep up with the changes in the post-war capitalist system, which hastened the decline of the anarcho-syndicalist movement and forced its organisations to choose between marginalisation, reform or dissolution. Despite the economic changes, the IWA chose to reaffirm traditional anarcho-syndicalist principles, causing its Dutch and Swedish sections to split from it. The SAC chose to revise its principles in order to adapt to the new Swedish welfare state, within which they aimed to establish workers' control over welfare and the democratisation of the economy. The IWA declined to its lowest point during the 1960s, as its membership became increasingly preoccupied with theory.

    Contemporary revival

    Members of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT marching in Madrid in 2010

    The anarcho-syndicalist movement began to experience a revival in the wake of the protests of 1968 and the Spanish transition to democracy. While the Spanish CNT experienced a rapid growth, new anarcho-syndicalist organisations were established throughout Europe. As globalisation and neoliberalism led to the dismantling of welfare states in the West, while the Eastern Bloc collapsed, anarcho-syndicalists once again began to present libertarian socialism as a necessary alternative to the state and capitalism. By the turn of the 21st century, anarcho-syndicalism had experienced a resurgence, as anarcho-syndicalist organisations re-emerged throughout the globe. Existing anarcho-syndicalist unions once again began taking direct action and organising strikes, while new anarcho-syndicalist unions established large support bases and achieved social reforms.

    Theory

    Offices of the National Confederation of Labour (CNT) in Barcelona

    The political theory of anarcho-syndicalism is based on the foundations of libertarian socialism, as formulated by the anti-authoritarian faction of the International Workingmen's Association, while its organisational forms were adopted from revolutionary syndicalism, which was first put into practice by the French labour movement in the early 20th century.

    Anarcho-syndicalism is distinguished from other forms of syndicalism by its anarchist political philosophy, where other syndicalist tendencies distance themselves from anarchism or even deny any political alignment. Other varieties of syndicalism include: the "neutral" revolutionary syndicalism, which separates itself from other political theories; Daniel De Leon's conception of industrial unionism, which infused it with a Marxist influence; and an authoritarian form of syndicalism developed by Georges Sorel, which advocates for vanguardism and mythmaking to drive the masses towards a general strike.

    Anarcho-syndicalism also distinguishes itself from other forms of anarchism, due to its favourability towards industrialisation and organisation. While other forms of anarchism reject economic centralisation and the division of labour, considering the ideal of a stateless society to be one of decentralised, small-scale social units, anarcho-syndicalism foresees trade unions as taking over a large-scale and centralised industrial economy. Anarcho-syndicalists believe that the establishment of a syndicalist system could lead to the withering away of the state and as such to anarchy and communism. Some support the temporary establishment of a collectivist system of distribution "to each according to their contribution", until a state of post-scarcity is achieved, at which point it would give way to an anarchist communist system of distribution "from each according to their ability, to each according to their needs".

    In the contemporary period, anarcho-syndicalism is divided into two main factions: the "orthodox" faction, which rejects any diversity of tactics or collaboration with statist forces, in favour of waiting for the right conditions for a revolutionary situation; and the "revisionist" faction, which is open to participation in systems of social welfare and pursues gradual reforms towards the democratisation of the economy.

    Anti-politics

    Anarcho-syndicalism is an apolitical or anti-political ideology, opposed to the formation of socialist political parties and participation in parliamentary politics. Anarcho-syndicalists argue that socialist participation in politics, rather than moving society closer to socialism, has damaged the labour movement by substituting self-help for representation. They have further criticised socialist parties for abandoning anti-capitalism in favour of nationalism, which they believe to have resulted in the reinforcement of capitalism and the integration of the labour movement into the nation state. To anarcho-syndicalists, political careerism corrupted socialist politicians, while electoralism transformed socialism from a constructive project into a reformist one. Anarcho-syndicalists are thus opposed to unions affiliating with political parties and attempt to prevent the capture of unions by party politicians. From this position, anarcho-syndicalists have denounced Bolshevism as a vehicle for authoritarianism and state capitalism, and criticised social democrats for bureaucratic inaction.

    Trade unionism

    Anarcho-syndicalists see trade unions not only as a means by which workers can organise for immediate improvements to their living and working conditions; but also as a means of training workers for management, with the goal of establishing workers' control over production and the creation of a socialist economy. Anarcho-syndicalists believe that trade unions are better suited for these tasks than socialist political parties, as workers often still require trade unions to protect their rights even under socialist governments. Anarcho-syndicalists consider trade unions to be the vanguard of the labour movement; they believe workers' power resides in the economic sphere, as they are responsible for producing the wealth that society relies upon. For anarcho-syndicalists, trade unions represent the prefiguration of a future socialist economy, the foundation that a new syndicalist society will be built on. Workers' education is therefore at the centre of anarcho-syndicalism, which aims to use trade unions to prepare workers to take over management of the industrial economy.

    Federalism

    Outline of the federal system used by anarcho-syndicalism

    Anarcho-syndicalism organises itself according to the principles of federalism and free association, in which the self-determination of each individual is upheld. Anarcho-syndicalists are staunchly opposed to centralised, hierarchical forms of organisation, which they believe stifle independent initiative with bureaucracy. In anarcho-syndicalist organisations, individual unions carry out their activities on a voluntary basis; for any larger-scale activity that requires delegation, representatives are typically elected for single terms and are paid the same amount as the workers they represent. Anarcho-syndicalists believe that centralism weakens and inhibits workers' capacity to take independent action and make decisions, and that centralised organisations inevitably tend towards inertia and stagnation. In contrast, they believe that federalist organisations provide workers with both the means to take rapid action in individual struggles and also connections that could allow them to establish workers' control of the economy and society in a social revolution.

    According to the anarcho-syndicalist model, federal organisations are built from the bottom-up, on both a territorial and industrial basis: first, workers join together in independent trade unions; the trade unions in a given city or district then combine into a cartel, which act as centres for popular education and build solidarity between workers of different trades; the cartels then group together on a regional basis, up to the national level, providing larger-scale coordination between its member organisations. Under this model, each trade union is also federatively linked with other unions of the same trade and related trades in industrial unions, which allow workers a greater scope of solidarity actions in struggles relevant to their economic sector. Anarcho-syndicalists see this federative form of industrial organisation as the nucleus for the reorganisation of the economy and society, as it would be able to take over the management of production in every economic sector. In such a revolutionary situation, cartels would take over production in their communities, determine the needs of their local population and organise the economy to meet those needs. A national federation would likewise be able to organise production throughout a given country to meet the needs of the entire populace nationwide, while the industrial unions established workers' control over the means of production and transportation.

    Practice

    In contrast to political parties that seek to enhance the political power of states over society, anarcho-syndicalists aim to restrict the ability of the state to act and influence society. Anarcho-syndicalism also seeks to abolish capitalism and replace it with socialism, which it does by lowering the profit margins of business owners and raising the workers' share in the product of their own labour. Anarcho-syndicalists consider the state to be a result of class stratification, established and maintained in order to protect the monopoly of capitalists over the economy. As such, anarcho-syndicalists predict that the dissolution of the state will be an inevitable consequence of the abolition of capitalism. While moving towards this, they also consider it necessary to protect the civil and political rights that workers have achieved from political reaction.

    Anarcho-syndicalism is driven by the practice of direct action, which eschews legalistic methods in favour of workers forcing their employers to make concessions. Methods of direct action include boycotts, sabotage and strike actions, the latter of which syndicalists framed as a "revolutionary drill" to prepare workers for the overthrow of capitalism and the state.

    See also

    References

    1. Damier 2009, p. 5; Hirsch & van der Walt 2010a, pp. xxxvi–xxxvii; Thorpe 1989, pp. 2–14; van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, pp. 153–155.
    2. van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, pp. 155–157.
    3. Damier 2009, pp. 5–7; van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, pp. 157–158.
    4. Damier 2009, p. 7.
    5. Damier 2009, pp. 13–14; Rocker 1989, pp. 132–134.
    6. Damier 2009, pp. 15–16; Rocker 1989, pp. 132–133; Thorpe 1989, p. 25.
    7. Damier 2009, pp. 15–16; Thorpe 1989, p. 26.
    8. Damier 2009, pp. 16–17.
    9. Damier 2009, pp. 17–20; Thorpe 1989, pp. 38–48.
    10. Damier 2009, pp. 20–22; Rocker 1989, pp. 135–137.
    11. Damier 2009, p. 22.
    12. Damier 2009, pp. 24–30.
    13. Damier 2009, pp. 30–32; Thorpe 1989, pp. 31–32.
    14. Damier 2009, pp. 33–37.
    15. Damier 2009, pp. 37–41; Thorpe 1989, pp. 31–83.
    16. Damier 2009, p. 42; Thorpe 1989, pp. 88–90.
    17. Damier 2009, p. 46.
    18. Damier 2009, pp. 46–47; Thorpe 1989, pp. 106–116.
    19. Damier 2009, pp. 47–63.
    20. Damier 2009, pp. 64–93.
    21. Damier 2009, pp. 94–118.
    22. Damier 2009, pp. 119–184.
    23. Damier 2009, pp. 185–189.
    24. Damier 2009, pp. 191–193; Hirsch & van der Walt 2010b, pp. 402–403.
    25. Damier 2009, pp. 193–195.
    26. Damier 2009, pp. 195–196.
    27. Damier 2009, pp. 196–198.
    28. Damier 2009, pp. 198–199.
    29. Damier 2009, pp. 198–199; Hirsch & van der Walt 2010b, pp. 403–404.
    30. Damier 2009, pp. 199–200; Hirsch & van der Walt 2010b, pp. 395, 407–408.
    31. Damier 2009, pp. 200–202; Hirsch & van der Walt 2010b, pp. 395–396.
    32. Rocker 1989, p. 82.
    33. van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, p. 142.
    34. Damier 2009, pp. 31–34, 46; van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, pp. 142–143.
    35. Rocker 1989, p. 137; van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, p. 143.
    36. Damier 2009, p. 28.
    37. Damier 2009, pp. 25–26.
    38. Damier 2009, p. 26.
    39. Damier 2009, pp. 26–27.
    40. Damier 2009, pp. 27–28.
    41. Damier 2009, pp. 194–197.
    42. ^ van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, pp. 142–143.
    43. Rocker 1989, pp. 82–83; van der Walt & Schmidt 2009, pp. 142–143.
    44. Rocker 1989, p. 83.
    45. Rocker 1989, pp. 83–84.
    46. Rocker 1989, pp. 84–85.
    47. Damier 2009, pp. 24–25; Rocker 1989, p. 86.
    48. Rocker 1989, pp. 86–88.
    49. Rocker 1989, pp. 88–89.
    50. Rocker 1989, p. 89; van der Walt 2018, pp. 250–251.
    51. Rocker 1989, pp. 89–90.
    52. Rocker 1989, p. 90.
    53. Rocker 1989, pp. 90–91; van der Walt 2018, p. 252.
    54. Rocker 1989, pp. 91–92.
    55. Rocker 1989, pp. 92–93.
    56. Rocker 1989, p. 93.
    57. Damier 2009, p. 25; Rocker 1989, pp. 93–94; van der Walt 2018, p. 260.
    58. Rocker 1989, pp. 93–94.
    59. Rocker 1989, p. 94.
    60. Damier 2009, p. 25; Rocker 1989, p. 94.
    61. Rocker 1989, pp. 94–95.
    62. Rocker 1989, pp. 109–110.
    63. Rocker 1989, p. 110.
    64. Rocker 1989, pp. 110–111.
    65. Damier 2009, p. 23.
    66. Damier 2009, pp. 23–24.

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